Thursday, November 29, 2012

Obama's talking to himself again

It's good to know that Mr. Obama's omnidirectional placation sensors are still online, even after a grueling campaign season. (And by 'good to know,' I mean 'oh god.') In an aptly entitled piece - 'Snatching Defeat out of the Jaws of Victory' - Robert Kuttner points out that the president is negotiating with himself again, before he's anywhere near the negotiating table. This time it's about the so-called fiscal cliff, with regard to which Mr. Obama has freely declared, via the apparently indispensable Erskine Bowles, that he may be 'flexible' on the question of putting tax rates for top earners back to what they were before the Bush tax cuts took effect. (And by 'be flexible' he means 'may not bother with it, even though I have leverage now that the election is done, and even though the bulk of my constituents want it.')

Kuttner's best line:
Obama still has a novice’s habit of softening his negotiating position going in, rather than holding possible concessions in his pocket for the final round. Republicans just take the concession as the new starting point and don’t concede anything in return. Where is his learning curve on this? Lyndon Johnson or Harry Truman would weep.

Wednesday, November 28, 2012

Today in 'What Everyone Knows' (11-28-12)


Everyone knows that public sector pensions are driving US states into insolvency, and that the road to fiscal sanity runs through virtuous austerity, and requires that we rein in these public sector commitments. That piece of common knowledge leads to stories like this one: stories that blame the pension problem - that is, that parrot 'fiscally conservative' politicians who blame the pension problem - for looming threats to vital governmental functions.

Here's how all that looks in Pennsylvania, where the state budget secretary released a report (a policy report, mind you, not a political document reflecting party discipline on a matter of ideology) saying just what you think it would say. First: "Without reforms, the state could be forced to cut funding for public safety, health and human services, education, roads and bridges." Then, the solution, as reported by Reuters: "Instead of raising taxes or cutting current retirees' pension payments, [PA Governor Tom] Corbett should consider increasing employee contributions, raising the retirement age and moving away from a defined-benefit plan, the report recommended."

What this story and stories like it leave out is that the pension problem is not just a problem; it is the core of a political tactic, and the tactic involves treating the problem as a fetish. The pension problem becomes a fetish in the sense that it is treated as a magical phenomenon, with no discernible causes or relations to other states of affairs. So it's not as if pension funds lost value when the bursting housing bubble took down state revenues, or when the stock market collapsed afterward. (Recognizing that factor might put the question of increasing revenue on the table. Or the question of what else took down state revenues, including shady Wall Street financing deals.) And it's not as if these public funds were throwing good money after bad by contracting with Wall Street investment managers, whose work underperforms both their benchmarks and cheaper index funds that are not actively managed. (Recognizing that factor might put on the table the question of our ongoing fealty to Wall Street, and of Wall Street's virtually unacknowledged responsbility for the dire economic straits that most people not on Wall Street now face in one way or another.) It's just that we've finally come to see that we can't afford these pensions, no matter what.

I mention this fetishization of the problem not to say that the underfunding of public pensions is not really a problem - it is a problem, don't get me wrong, given the horizons of our politics and economic policy now. I mention it because it is they key to a political strategy, one of the defining ones of our time. The pension issue is constructed not just as a problem but as the problem, when it might be construed instead as one of the many symptoms of some deeper problems. But treating public sector pensions as the main problem is nicely compatible with campaigns to shrink the state, and to discipline labor, and to foment tensions between private sector workers and their public sector counterparts as a way of disciplining labor, and so on.

Thursday, November 22, 2012

Thinking Thanksgiving, part 2: What to the Wampanoag is the Fourth Thursday in November?

Yesterday I introduced the idea of bracketing as a way of accounting for my enjoyment of things that might otherwise be objectionable, like the film '300.' My hope was that this idea could then serve as a way to explain my posture toward Thanksgiving. The posture I have in mind is probably familiar. I recognize that the events we're meant to celebrate today were part of the first act in a drama of expropriation, colonial aggression, and, depending on how one consents to use this most controversial of terms, genocide. But this recognition does not move me to repudiate the holiday, or to reframe it as a day of mourning. Yesterday I thought bracketing was the key to this ambivalence. Today I think the key to making that point has to do with the great abolitionist Frederick Douglass.

Wednesday, November 21, 2012

Thinking Thanksgiving, part 1: on '300'

I am a big fan of the film '300.' My admiration for the film survives the liberties it takes with history, which might just mean that I'm not an historian. More interestingly, my admiration also survives the film's ethical flaws. I mention this now, today, because I think Thanksgiving Day counts as a holiday for me, rather than as a day of mourning, for the same reason that '300' counts as a piece of entertainment rather than (just) as a piece of propaganda. The reason: I've become quite skilled in the fine art of judicious bracketing. By the time I finish this post I hope to have decided whether this is a good thing.

Today's Sports Short (11-21-12)

Apparently some kid scored 138 points by himself in a D-III game (on 108 shots, but still). I have one thought about this, inspired by Jalen Rose's hilarious account of Kobe scoring 81 (video) against his Raptors: "Hey Coach... you think we might wanna double-team that guy?"


Tuesday, November 20, 2012

To Purge or Not to Purge or What it Means to Have a Big Tent

  Just in the midst of some good ol' fashioned Democratic chest thumpig, here we have reminders of congresses past. Digby at Hullabaloo reminds us that Blue Dog democrats still live and breathe. Senators from states that Mitt Romney carried have their doubts deficit fighting strategies such as raising revenue and cutting loopholes/subsidies to energy companies. Sens. Landrieu (LA), Hagan (NC) and Baucus (MT) want to make sure that their state's interests are protected (along with their asses in the 2014 campaigns). In short, despite the "mandate" given to the party on taxing the rich and the weakness of the Republicans on this issue, the "financial cliff" battle will be the same absurdist drama as every other attempt to govern at the federal level. Sigh.

Monday, November 19, 2012

Shit Can Get Funky Being Human or Finally! Richard Pryor's Heir Apparent!

I don't say this often and if you ask me about it tomorrow, I may say something different but I dare say comedian Louis C. K. is approaching Richard Pryor levels of genius. There is a lot that can be said about the use of the word genius but that is a conversation for another day. For me aside from his vernacular genius


his amazing emotional bravery


and his physical comedy gifts


what I realize is the heart of Pryor's appeal is his insight that what links us all together are the fucked up things of  social existence. Unlike Bill Cosby who forged an early Civil Rights comedic persona on the bourgeois commonality of Black people and white people (child rearing, living in the suburbs, marriage, etc), Richard Pryor understood, that those qualities were lies and it was the fucked up, angry, awkward, dangerous and inconsolable yet hopeful sides of us that holds us in common.


That for me is where Louis CK lives. Whether it is the homoeroticism of homophobia


                                                             


the mysteries of sex



or a confrontation with race


 whatever the issue, Louis CK is unafraid of putting himself at the center of that surgery. Louis CK may be the bravest man in entertainment. Anyone that can make Abe Lincoln fresh and different after 160-odd years of solemnity is fastwalking it to genius town.